Understand the government project at hand and the reactions to it.
Since his election as Prime Minister on 8 September, Henri Sãens has been pushing his political agenda: the transformation of Ebenthal into a unitary state. The argument for the end of federalism is simple: the current federal state is extremely flawed, each principality is dominated by a specific ideological policy [and party], not always aligned with the central government policy, which generates constant friction and factual disobeying of laws. This is what the Prime Minister says, and he goes further, speaking from a micronational perspective: "[...] of the six principalities, only three have effective princes, active in the micronational political scenario, while the other three have purely nominal princes and barely have any activity independent of the government central." he completed. He ended by saying that given the degree of inference of the King in national politics, the state is very centralized and "[...] poorly characterized as a federation", explaining that this "[...] is not a criticism, but that it must be recognized that micronations tend to have centralized governments as a means of maintaining the political activity and survival of the micronation, and that this is particularly strong in monarchical micronations".
Dissecting the case for the reader's better understanding, the principalities of New Switzerland and Negromonte are ideologically more conservative, and, together with the Principality of Belmonte [of liberal tendency], they have active and developed governments, demonstrating a considerable degree of autonomy from the central government. . In contrast, the Principality of Aldiva and the principalities of Alvorada and Carlenburg, the latter governed by the same Prince [ex officio], have a broadly nominal government, with little to no internal activity, being entirely dependent on the central government.
Given this, the centerpiece of Henri Sãens's government project is: abolishing federalism without necessarily restricting the autonomy of active government principalities, although invariably these will become more vulnerable to the central government, which other members of the Moderate Party argue, as its president, Raphael Sousa, former Regent and Prime Minister, "[...] must be potentially positive as it means that there would be no more practical political dissensions between central government and princely government; the central government's hand will be stronger to do assert its decisions." Part of the project also includes the abolition of the Alvorada, Carlenburg and Aldiva monarchies and the transformation of these principalities into provinces.
The unitary state project is supported by all its members in the House of Councillors, and also has the support of the republican politician Alessandro Rosas. However, to approve this type of law [Special State Amendment, or EEE in Portuguese acronym] it is necessary the vote of 2/3 of the chamber, in this case, 10 parliamentarians [out of 14]; currently the project has 9 votes in favour. Putting old quarrels aside, conservative and worker's politicians representing New Switzerland and Negromonte vehemently oppose the bill at the House of Councillors, while the Marquis de Liuva (Worker's) has no definite position. At the House of Aristocrats, where Moderates do not have an absolute majority, the situation is much more complicated. Among its 4 Lords of Congress, they have the support of 3; Hugo III, former Prince of Negromonte, is entirely opposed to the bill, to the point of considering moving to the Republican Party if he is forced by his party to vote in favor of the bill. The conservatives, also represented by 4 Lords, are against, even the representative of Aldiva. The Worker's are overwhelmingly in favor, opposing only the Marquis of Terra Nova.
The reason for the voracious opposition of Negromonte and New Switzerland to the unitary state, to the point of uniting former enemies such as conservatives and workers's, is explained by the fear of these principalities of losing their autonomy and, in this case, for the conservative politicians who traditionally dominate the political scenario of these principalities, there is still the fear of having their ideology ostracized by the frequent liberalism of the central government. As a result of this situation, a nationalist feeling has grown among the Neo-Swiss and Negromontin3 political class; of defending their ideals, traditional in their lands, part of their cultures - or at least that is how it is interpreted. A "[...] cold war climate within the country, a tension between Henry's government and the principalities [of New Switzerland and Negromonte]". Notably, Neo-Swiss and Negromontine politicians, especially conservatives, have increasingly addressed their principalities as distinct entities from Ebenthal. Some, like Prince Fernando of Negromontine, former Prime Minister, have openly called for a separatist referendum. Others, like Hugo III, Fernando's cousin, threaten to turn to republicanism if Unitarianism wins.
After nearly two months of debate, the government remains stalled, with its project facing difficulties of approval. Currently the Moderate Party has been in negotiations with the Worker's Party to get the necessary vote to have the Unitarian project approved at the House of Councillors. In the meantime, the government has voted for less relevant laws and projects such as changing the names of cities and federative units, and changes in the monarchical institution requested by the Royal Family, which, represented in the figure of the King, in turn, has little manifested in relation to current development of politics; His Majesty has only exhorted that he expects everything to be done within the limits of common sense and law and that, as King of the Principalities of Ebenthal, as per his official title, he will ensure national unity.
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